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Theseexternal partsof human body are connected to the five major sense organs which tell us about our surroundings. All these parts are observable from outside, but they establish the connection between our internal part and external environment either mechanically or electrically.

The shape and size of the body parts differ from person to person. This makes us look different from one another. Thus, even in a crowded room, we can identify our friend easily. Men and women body parts are mostly alike, except for a few sexual differences. The following are main parts of ourbodyand some related components.

SKIN

Theskinis one of the most important parts of your body. It is also the largest organ of the body and helps the body in performing various different functions. One of the main functions of skin is that it provides a protective covering for the body and also protects all the organs inside. The skin, which is a semi-permeable membrane, allows nutrients to go inside, whereas it keeps all the undesirable things outside. It also helps in regulating temperature and excretion. Skin has three layers:

• The epidermis,the outermost layer of skin and the most resistant, provides a waterproof barrier and creates our skin tone.
• The dermis,beneath the epidermis, contains tough connective tissue, hair follicles, and sweat glands.
• The deeper subcutaneous tissue (hypodermis) is made of fat and connective tissue.

The skin’s colour is created by special cells called melanocytes, which produce the pigmentmelanin. Melanocytes are located in the epidermis.

The most common Skin Conditions include:

Rash:Nearly any change in the skin’s appearance can be called a rash. Most rashes are from simple skin irritation; others result from medical conditions.

Dermatitis: A general term for inflammation of the skin. Atopic dermatitis (a type of eczema) is the most common form.

Eczema: Skin inflammation (dermatitis) causing an itchy rash. Most often, it’s due to an overactive immune system.

Dandruff:A scaly condition of the scalp may be caused by seborrheic dermatitis, psoriasis, or eczema.

Acne:The most common skin condition, acne affects over 85% of people at some time in life.

Warts:A virus infects the skin and causes the skin to grow excessively, creating a wart. Warts may be treated at home with chemicals, duct tape, or freezing, or removed by a physician.

Herpes: The herpes viruses HSV-1 and HSV-2 can cause periodic blisters or skin irritation around the lips or the genitals.

Shingles (herpes zoster):Caused by the chickenpox virus, shingles is a painful rash on one side of the body. A new adult vaccine can prevent shingles in most people.

Ringworm:A fungal skin infection (also called tinea). The characteristic rings it creates are not due to worms.

Some of these Skin conditions can be addressed using Treatments, including the following:

Antibiotics: Medicines that can kill the bacteria causing cellulitis and other skin infections.

Antifungal drugs:Topical creams can cure most fungal skin infections. Occasionally, oral medicines may be needed.

Skin moisturisers (emollients):Dry skin is more likely to become irritated and itchy. Moisturisers can reduce symptoms of many skin conditions.

Apart from the skin which covers all parts, the main parts of human body are: head, neck, trunk and limbs. Each part has different functions and contains different organs. Whether we are walking, talking, sleeping, playing or sitting, our body is constantly working hard to keep us in full health. It is important to know our body in order to take care of it and live a long healthy life.

HEAD

The human head is the upper extremity of the body, connected by the neck to the trunk. It has an oval shape and it hosts the brain. On the front part called face, the head contains four sense organs: nose, eyes, ears and mouth. They all send sensation messages to the brain: the nose sends smells, the eyes send images, the ears send sounds and the mouth sends tastes. The following are the main features of our head and their functions.

Hair:Our hair is not only found on the head, but all over the body. The only areas on the body where hairs are not present are the palms of the hands, soles and the lips. Even if you cannot see the body hair on some parts of your body, there are no human body parts where hairs are not really present. The colour of the hairs may be very light, so much so that they almost seem invisible. Hairs are rooted in the second layer of skin. They are made up of a special kind of protein known as keratin.

Eyes:The eyes are a significant part of the body anatomy. There are three different layers that make up the human eyes. These are known as the vascular, nervous, and the fibrous tunic. The outermost layer of the eyes is known as the fibrous tunic. This layer is composed of the cornea and the sclera, which is the outermost protective layer. The middle layer consists of the irises, the ciliary body, and the choroids. The innermost part of the eye consists of the retina.

Ears:Our ears are one of the five sensory organs and allow us to hear sounds. The ears collect the various sounds in the environment and transmit the auditory signals to the brain. The ear is made up of three main sections: –the outer ear or the auricle, the middle ear, and the inner ear. Apart from collecting sounds and transmitting the signals to the brain, the ears are also known to help maintain the body’s balance.

Nose:The nose is one of the main organs of the respiratory system. The respiratory system is responsible for bringing in the oxygen from the environment, utilising it, and expelling the carbon dioxide. The nose is also essential for discerning various smells. The nose performs the most important of the respiratory system functions and that is to inhale air.

Teeth:The teeth are important and help in the digestion of foods. It is our teeth that help us chew food, allowing the digestive enzymes in the saliva to mix with the food.

Tongue:Tongue is a strong muscle that performs a different function than the regular muscular system functions. The tongue is covered with taste buds that help us discern various tastes.

NECK

When you study the body anatomy and organs, the neck comes across as a load bearing organ that connects the head to the rest of the body. Our neck is also very important because it attaches the base of the skull to the shoulders and the spine runs through it. Among the other functions of body parts, the neck provides movement to the head. It also sustains the head and helps it move up and down, left and right. Another important function of the neck is protecting the nerves that send sensory and motor information from the brain to the rest of the body.

Theshouldersare another load bearing joints that give us the erect stature and also attach the arms to the body. The arms are attached into the shoulder sockets and their movements are possible because of the shoulders. Below the shoulders lies the chest, stomach, waist, back and hips, which are part of the trunk.

TRUNK

The trunk is the body part that connects all the other parts and hosts many important internal organs such as: heart, lungs, stomach, liver, kidneys and reproductive organs that we shall detail in the next section.

LIMBS (LEGS AND ARMS)

A human being has four limbs: two arms and two legs. These limbs are what make the human body mobile. The arms end into hands, which, with their opposable thumbs, allow us to perform complex actions. The arms are the upper limbs, connected to the trunk in the superior side, one on the left and one on the right. The arm consists of: shoulder, elbow, forearm, wrist, palm and fingers. With the help of our arms we can catch, hold and carry objects.

1. hand
2. thumb
3. index finger
4. middle finger
5. ring finger
6. little finger
7. nail
8. knuckle

The legs, with the knees and the feet, carry our weight and help inlocomotion. The legs are connected to the trunk in the inferior side. The leg consists of: hip, thigh, knee, ankle, foot and toes. With the help of our legs we can walk, run and jump. The legs sustain the entire weight of the body and carry it where it needs to go.

In the previous articles we have discussed development researchers whose prime aim has been to adjust, elaborate or supplement the classical dependency theories. Other researchers within the Neo-Marxist tradition, however, have rejected the whole body of dependency theories and attempted to replace them with totally different approaches. This applies to, among others, the American social scientistBillWarren, who elaborated on the Elimination of Dependency.

In his Elimination of Dependency suggested process, Warren’s main point was; certainly imperialism has led to the creation of a system characterised by inequality and exploitation, but at the same time this imperialism has created the conditions for the spreading of capitalism to the Third World. And not only that. Warren went further by claiming that he was able to prove that capitalism, since the Second World War, had actually developed both in depth and width in the Third World.

Process of Elimination of Dependency

Although the capitalist mode of production was originally grafted on to the peripheral economies from outside, by the industrialised countries, Warren argued that in the long run it would lead to elimination of dependency or to a development out of dependency. Imperialism has, in other words, laid the foundations of its own dissolution.

Warren saw the situation in the 1960s and 1970s as especially conducive to national capitalist development in the Third World. He referred in this connection to the conflict between East and West, which he believed the dependent countries in general could derive considerable benefits from. He also pointed to the competition between the different industrialised countries, and between the many transnational corporations, and argued that these forms of competition could also be exploited with a view to promoting more independent national development.

The difficulties were chiefly the internal conditions in these countries, including a very widespread tendency to pursue totally misconceived agricultural policies, which neither brought about the necessary land reforms nor linked the rural economies to the dynamic capitalist urban economies.

Warren’s theory is essentially the classical dependency theory turned on its head. To him imperialism and the world market were in no way obstacles to economic growth and progress, understood as capitalist development. On the contrary, it was from these global systems that the whole process of development would be set in motion. The fact that progress reserved for the few meant less to Warren; in contrast to Soviet Marxism, he regarded the development of capitalism, for good or evil, as an unavoidable necessity, as a stage all underdeveloped countries had to go through to reach socialism.

Warren must be credited for drawing attention, at an early stage, to the actual growth of industry and other capitalist sector sin the Third World within the framework of Marxist theory. But he did it with the eagerness and intensity that has his theory became one sided and biased, and therefore make itself most useful as a closing marginal note to the main body of Marxist theory regarding underdevelopment and dependency. On the other hand, there is, within this tradition, a pressing need for a better theory which can explain both underdevelopment and development.

Before we come to dependency theories that during the 1970s and after came to dominate large parts of the development debate, it is deemed relevant to look a little close at the role Paul Baran played in establishing the theoretical linkages backwards to classical Marxism.

Baran who emigrated to the USA from the USSR before the Second World War, wrote his most influential work in 1957. It included both an historical account of the origins of underdevelopment and an analysis on the ‘morphology’ ofcontemporaryunderdevelopment. Baran conceptualized the causes of underdevelopment in much the same way as his contemporary non-Marxist economists.

He emphasized that the backward countries were characterized bydual economies: on the one hand they comprised large agricultural sectors, where productivity was extremely low and the marginal productivity of labour close to zero; on the other hand, they had small industrial sectors with high level of productivity.

Baran further stressed that the growth and’ employment potential lay in the industrial sector, but that its expansion was constrained by the small size of the domestic markets as well as by competition from the highly industrialised countries. All these were generally accepted views in the 1950s. The important new feature in Baran’s approach and analysis was his attempt to explain this state of affairs, and, in particular, why the backward societies remained underdeveloped. In pursuit of this explanation, Baran introduced a special version of Karl Marx’s economic theories with emphasis on class relations and their impact upon the utilization of the economic surplus.

Where Marx, in his analyses of conventional capitalism, had underlined how the capital owners could expropriate an economic surplus from the working class in the form of surplus value produced by the workers (who were not paid the full value of their labour), Baran, emphasized the extraction of economic surplus in all its forms. In the backward economies, the surplus potentially available for capital formation did not only take the form of surplus value produced by wage labour, but also included the appropriation of surplus from peasants and other direct producers in the form of land rent, interest on credit, and profits from trade. Four main classes each appropriate surplus in one of these forms.

Land rent was extracted by the feudal aristocracy or other big landowners. Interest on credit accrued to the moneylenders, who were sometimes the same people as the landowners. The profit from trade was appropriate by merchants who made a living from buying cheaply and selling dearly. Finally, the surplus value from capitalist production was appropriate by the largely foreign capitalists, but also to a certain extent by the emerging groups of national industrialists.

Baran’s crucial point was that none of these four propertied and economically dominant classes had any vital interest in promoting industrialization and the accompanying transformation of the peripheral economies. The feudal landowners, moneylenders and traders, in fact, opposed this because it would threaten their access to the traditional sources of economic surplus.

The foreign and national capital owners were also against it, because a more comprehensive industrialization process would undermine their monopoly position and force them into competition with new entrepreneurs a which in turn, could threaten their extraordinarily high profits. In such circumstances capitalism was devitalized and deprived of its growth and development dynamism, the dynamism that, under other circumstances, had created impressive economic progress in the centre formations during an earlier period.

Baran, contrary to the classical structuralists and many later dependency theorists, focused mainly on the internal conditions in the backward societies. It was in these internal conditions, and more specifically in the distribution of power among the classes and control over the economic surplus, that Baran found the primary barriers which had prevented the poor countries from copying the industrialised countries and reaching a similar stage of development.

However, Baran also emphasized the international circumstances by underlining that economic development in the backward societies was profoundly inimical to the dominant interests in the advanced capitalist countries. As these countries governed the international economic system, the underdeveloped countries remained trapped in poverty (cf. Palma, 1989).

The only way Baran could see out of the misery was through extensive state interventions to promote nationally controlled industrialization. The recommended strategy markedly distinguished itself from those of the structuralists by emphasizing the establishment of state-owned heavy industries as a precondition for evolution on the other industrial sectors.

The strategy proposed by Baran, directly or indirectly, achieved some influence on economic planning in countries such as India and China, but did not otherwise play any central role in the theory formation within the Neo-Marxiit school of thought. On the other hand, Baran’s analyses of the causes of underdevelopment became an important source of inspiration for scholars like the American economist, Andre Gunder Frank, the following section will briefly review the contributions to theory formation from the Egyptian economist, Samir Amin, and the Graeco-French economist, Ashiri Emmanuel.

Frank based his original dependency theory mainly on evidence from Latin America, while Amin drew his conclusions chiefly from empirical analysis of West Africa. Emmanuel drew more widely on the developing countries, trade with the industrialised countries. In terms of analytical perspective he worked only with a few rather limited subject areas, as opposed to Frank and Amin.

After a brief examination of the earlier works on dependency, from the 1960.. and the beginning of the 1970s, we shall try to trace the main lines of thought in the debate among the Neo-Marxists during the subsequent decades. This will include, on the one hand, a discussion of what can be conceived of as attempts to further elaborate and refine the original propositions, and, on the other hand, a summary of opposing positions in the debate.

In the next article, we shall follow yet another school of thought with roots going back to Mar and Baran, i.e., theories on modes of production and social classes which focus primarily on the internal conditions in peripheral societies.

Neo-Marxism theories of underdevelopment and dependency appeared during the 1950s, partly as a reaction against the growth and modernization theories, partly as the outcome of a long-standing debate concerning the impact of imperialism. The early Neo-Marxist theories were primary known as dependency theories., They were to a large extent influenced by the Latin American structuralists and their analyses of the trade relations between the economically backward countries and the highly industrialised countries.

With respect to the theoretical heritage from the debate on imperiali5rn, it may be of interest to note that Marx had concerned himself with this issue as early as the 1850s. In articles in publications such as the New York Tribute, Marx tried to assess what would be the long-term impact on the European colonization of South Asia.

In this context, he arrived at the including local small-scale manufacturing, and set in motion a significant exploitation of the colonial areas; but on the other hand, he believed that the European penetration would at the same time remove basic obstacles to British intervention as directly promoting economic transformation. This applied especially to the building and expansion of material infrastructure, the introduction of the plantation economy monetization of commodity exchange, and the initial establishment of modern industry with its commutant wage labour (cf. Marx and Engels, 1972).

In other words, British rule implied destruction and exploitation in the short-term perspective, but construction and creation and creation of essential material preconditions for the colonial areas’ later transformation to capitalism – and thus, according to Marx, genuine societal development. It may be added that. Mar later toned down the constructive aspects of British rule in South Asia. He further asserted that the British colonization of Ireland had only destructive effects.

The interesting point in the present context is to note the wide span in Marx’s own conceptions, because this span has paved the way for very different interpretations within the Marxist research tradition. One of the theorists who has championed the view that imperialism has promoted development in the Third World is Bill Warreo.

We shall look at his main argument later in this chapter. But first we shall deal with the Neo-Marxist mainstream and focus on some of the several theorists who have vehemently rejected this interpretation and instead asserted that imperialism has actively underdeveloped the peripheral societies, or a very least obstructed their development.

These theories , most of whom may be regarded as proponents of dependency theory in one form or another, have further claimed that not only imperialism and colonialism of the past, but also contemporary forms of economic imperialism have impeded progress throughout the Third World.

They argue that economic domination, as exerted by the high industrialised countries, is a much more important development, impeding factor than all the internal conditions in the backward countries that feature so prominently in the growth and modernization theories.

Deprivation in developing countries is not simply a matter of low levels ofper capita income. There are many other dimensions to the development gap between rich and poor countries. Developing countries generally experience much higher levels of unemployment, open and disguised than do developed countries.

The levels of education, health and nutrition are often abysmally low, and income distribution tends to be much more in egalitarian. Policy in developing countries is increasingly concerned with these other features of the development gap. The basic reeds approach to development, pioneered by the World Bank, is a reflection of this switch of emphasis from exclusive concern with per capita income to these wider development issues.

Unemployment

The developing countries contain a huge reservoir of surplus labour. For a long time, poor countries, particular since the population explosion, have been characterized by underdevelopment of disguised unemployment in rural areas. What has happened in recent years is that disguised rural unemployment has transferred itself into disguised and open unemployment in the towns.

Unemployment in the urban areas of developing counties ins another dimension of the development problem and an increasingly serious one. The rationale for rural-urban migration will be considered later, but first let us outline some of the facts on employment and unemployment. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in Geneva, 1 billion people in developing countries are either jobless or underemployed, which amounts to one-third of the total working age population.

This represents a colossal challenge, particularly as the workforce is expected to grow on another 1.5 billion by the year 2025. The ILO argues for a renewed commitment by developing countries to the goal of employment creation, and not to treat current employment levels as natural and the inevitable outcome of market forces, as if nothing can be done.

The ILO estimates that at least one billion new jobs need to be created in the next ten years if the proportion of people living in poverty is to be halved by 2015. The World Bank devotes its 1995 World Development Report to the conditions of employment in developing countries, and it painted a sombre picture.

To stop unemployment rising there has to be employment growth of at least 2 per cent per annum, which requires output of at least 4 per cent per annum. Not many countries are able to grow this rapidly. The statistical evidence across countries tends to suggest that rapid employment growth is associate with the implementation of market based policies and openness to trade. In particular employment growth is strongly related to manufacturing export growth, which in turn is closely linked to the skill to land ratio of countries.

All this is very aggregative analysis. The issue still to be addressed is the emergence of increasing urban unemployment. The problem is not so much one of a deficiency of demand for labour in an aggregate demand sense. The causal factors relate to the incentives for labour to migrate from rural to urban areas, and the incapacity of the urban areas to provide employment owing to a lack other necessary factors of production to work with labour particularly capital. As far as migration is concerned, there are both push and pull factors at work.

The push factors have to do with the limited job opportunities in rural areas and a greater willingness and desire to move, fostered by education and improved communities. The pull factors relate to the development of urban industrial activities that offer jobs at a higher real wage than can be earned in rural areas, so that even if a migrant is unemployed for part of the year, he or she may still be better off migrating to the town than working in the rural sector.

If there is no work at all in the rural sector, the migrant loses nothing, except perhaps the security of the extended family system. The rate of growth of job opportunities in the rural sector depends on the rate of growth of demand for the output of the rural sector and the rate at which jobs are being ‘destroyed’ by productivity growth.

As we saw in our previous example if the demand for agricultural output is growing at 1.5 per cent and productivity is growing at 1 per cent, then the growth of labour demand will be 0.5 per cent. But it the labour force is growing at 2 per cent there will be a 1.5 per cent gap between the supply and demand for labour.

If the level of disguised unemployment in the rural sector does not increase, this figure constitutes the potential volume of migrants. If the urban labour force is one quarter of the size of the rural labour force, a 1.5 per cent migration of rural labour would represent a 6 per cent increase in the urban labour force owing to migration.

On average, this is about the extent of the influx from the rural sector into the urban areas of developing countries. On top of this there is the natural increase in the workforce in the urban areas to consider; this is of the order of 2-3 per cent. If job opportunities in the urban areas are increasing at only 5 percent, then 4 per cent of the urban labour force will become unemployed each year, thus raising the amount of urban unemployment year by year, forcing labour into the informal service sector. In that case, unemployment shows up on poverty.

Historically, the process of development has always been associated with, and characterized by, an exodus from the land, continuing over centuries. The uniqueness of the present situations is not the migration itself but its magnitude and speed. And the problem is that the urban sector cannot absorb the numbers involved. For any given technology, the rate of which the urban (industrial) sector can absorb migrants largely depends on the rate of capital formation.

If labour and capital must be combined in fixed proportions, and the rate of capital accumulation is only 5 per cent, then the rate of increase is job opportunities can be only 5 per cent also. Unfortunately, however, the problem is necessarily solved by a faster rate of capital accumulation in the urban sector, because migration is not simply a function of the actual difference in real remuneration between the two sectors, but also of the level of job opportunities in the urban sector. If the rate of job creation increases, this may merely increase the flow of migrants with no reduction in unemployment.

The solution would seem to be to create more job opportunities in the rural sector. This will require, however, not only the redirection of investment but also the extension of education and transport facilities, which in the past few years have themselves become powerful push factors in the migration process.

Whereas formerly redundant labour might have remained underemployed on the family farm, nowadays education and easy transportation provide the incentive and the means to seek alternative employment opportunities. While education and improved communications are desirable in them, and facilitate development, their provision has augmented the flow of migrants from rural to urban areas.

The pull factors behind migration are not hard to identify. The opportunities for work and leisure provided by the industrial, urban environment contrast sharply with the conservatism and stultifying atmosphere of rural village life and naturally act as a magnet for those on low incomes or without work, especially the young.

Given the much higher wages in the urban sector, even the prospect of long spells of unemployment in the towns does not detract from the incentive to migrate. Moreover, the choice is not necessarily between remaining in the rural sector and migrating to the urban sector with the prospect of long periods of employment. The unemployed in the urban sector can often find work, or create work for themselves, on the fringes of the industrial sector — in particular in the formal services sector of the urban economy.

The wages may be low, but some income is better than no income. In other words, unemployment in urban areas may take the form of underemployment, or become disguised, just as in the case of the rural sector, its manifestation being low income. This has led to the notion of an income measure of unemployment, which needs to be added to register unemployment to obtain a true measure of unemployment and the availability of labour supply.

One way of measuring the extent of unemployment disguised in the form of low-productivity/low-income jobs is to take the difference between the actual labour employment at the sub-standard income and the labour that would be required to produce a given level of output of service at an acceptable level of income per head.

Before measurement can take place, of course, the acceptable (standard) level of income has to be defined. It could be that level set as the ‘poverty line,’ below which health and welfare become seriously impaired. The income measure of unemployment would thus be that is, one-half of the existing labour force is disguisedly unemployed in the sense that the level of output is not sufficient for those who currently work to maintain an adequate standard of living.

The above analysis of employment and unemployment trends in developing countries points to a number of policy implications that were also highlighted by the ILO in 1969 when it first sponsored missions to several countries to undertake a detailed diagnosis of the employment problem. Certainly an adequate rate of output growth is required to employ workers entering the labour market for the first time and to absorb the effects of productivity growth, but much more is required.

There is a case for the use of much more labour-intensive techniques of production, and the issue of rural-urban migration needs to be tackled by promoting more employment opportunities outside the urban centres, particularly for young people. Without such measures, unemployment will continue to grow, especially in urban areas.

Education

Another dimension of the development gap is the difference in educational opportunities between rich and poor countries, which manifest itself in much lower primary, secondary and tertiary enrolment rates in developing countries; much higher levels of illiteracy; and lower levels of human capital formation in general. This has a number of adverse consequences for the growth and development process.

Low levels of education and skills make it more difficult to countries to develop new industries and to absorb new technology; it makes people less adaptable and amenable to change; and it impairs the ability to manage and administer enterprises and organizations at all levels.

As the famous American economist John Kenneth Galbraith once said: ‘Literate people will see the need for getting machines. It is not so clear that machines will see the need for literate people. So under some circumstances, at least, popular education will have a priority over farms, factories and other furniture of capital development’ (Galbraith, 1962).

Available literature and statistics show the relative under provision of education facilities and opportunities in many poor countries, and the low rate of literacy in the poorest countries. In the primary and secondary sectors, the percentage sometimes exceeds 100 per cent because the gross enrolment ratio is the ratio of total enrolment, regardless of age, to the population of the age group that official corresponds to that level of education. While primary education is universal in high income countries, one quarter of children in poor countries still receive no primary education.

This amount to 125 million children, a third of whom live in Africa. In 1990, the world’s governments pledged to provide primary education for all by the year 2000, but clearly the commitment has not been met. In 2000, the pledge was renewed (by the so- called ‘Dakar Framework’) to provide universal primary education in poor countries by the year 2015 (the same date as the poverty reduction target): indeed, this is one of the `Millenium Goals.’

The estimates cost is $10 billion a year. This will required a reorientation of priorities in poor countries (e.g. less expenditure on arms and wasteful subsidies), more aid from donor countries, and more help from the World Bank. The World Bank readily admits that, until the recent past, it has neglected educational (and other social) expenditure in its lending policies.

There Is also a huge discrepancy in the provision of secondary education, with only one half of the age group in low-income countries receiving and education beyond the manifests itself in high level of adult illiteracy. A huge gender gap is also evident. in low-income countries, 30 percent of males are illiterate, and almost 50 per cent of females. Among the poor countries, China performs well, but in many of the poorest countries in Africa female illiteracy is way over 50 per cent. The gender gap narrows at higher income levels, but is still evident.

Developing countries neglect educational provision at their peril. Research also shows a strong correlation across countries between levels of human capital formation and growth performance.

In the following unit we present an analysis of the theories of underdevelopment and dependency for the simple reason of wanting to assess how relevant these theories are in explaining the status quo of many developing countries, especially as it relates to the characteristics outlined above. Furthermore, it would be interesting, for the purpose of this course to apply these theories to the apparent lack of human development in the Third World.

A fourth distinguish characteristics of developing countries is that their trade tends to be dominated by the export of primary commodities and the import of manufactured goods.

This has consequences for the terms of trade of developing countries, the distribution of the giants from trade between developed and developing countries, and the balance of payments situation, all of which may adversely affect real income per head. The trade of Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean is still dominated by primary commodities. Only Asia and the Pacific have made headway in reducing dependence on commodity exports.

The barter terms of trade measure the ratio of export price to import prices. There has been a historical tendency for the terms of trade of primary goods relative to manufactured goods to deteriorate over the last 100 years or so by about 0.5 per cent per annum on average. This tendency is known in the literature as the Prebisch-Singer thesis. The falling price of exports relative to imports reduces the real income of a country because more exports have to be exchanged to obtain a given quantity of imports.

A second point to note is that the income elasticity of demand for primary commodities in world trade is less than unity, while the income elasticity of demand for manufactured goods is greater than unity. This means that as world income grows, the demand for primary commodities grows at a lower rate, but if developing countries grow at the same rate as the world economy their demand for manufactured imports grows at a faster rate.

As a consequence, developing countries specializing in the production of primary commodities suffer acute balance of payments difficulties. Often, the only means available to developing countries to adjust the balance of payments is to slow down their economies in order to reduce the growth of imports.

The prices of primary commodities are also more cyclically volatile than the price of manufactured goods. This can also cause havoc to a country’s balance of payments and its government’s tax revenue if it relies heavily on trade taxes. The resulting instability makes planning difficult and may deter private domestic investment and investment from overseas.

For all those reasons, the structure of trade poses severe problems for many developing countries and may keep countries poor than they would be if they were able to produce and export more industrial goods. It is not possible to understand the growth and development process — and the perpetuation of divisions in the world economy —without reference to the unequal trading between rich and poor countries and the balance of payments consequences of specializing in primary commodities.

In general, it seems to be the case that the more natural resources a country has, the poorer it performs. This phenomenon is referred to in the literature as the ‘curse of natural resources’ (Sachs and Warner, 2001; Gylfason, 2001). There is a very strong negative relationship and the regression coefficient of -0.0871 indicates that a country with a primary sector share 11 percentage points above the average has experienced a growth of per capita income of one percent below the average (controlling for the initial level of per capita income). This represents a substantial loss of welfare.

The same negative pattern emerges when the growth of per capita income is regressed against the export of natural resources as a share of GDP; and the negative relation persists even when controlling for other variables such as differences in the level of investment between countries, and for climate and geography.

Most countries that have grown rapidly in recent decades started as resource poor, not resource rich. There are exceptions to this general rule — countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Botswana, for example — but most of these exceptional countries have grown fast not through the exploitation of natural resources but through diversification into manufacturing industry.

Curse of natural resource

What lies behind this‘curse of natural resource’?A number of factors fan be mentioned, which interrelate with each other, that seem to affect adversely may of the important determinants of development. Glyfason shows a negative relation across countries between the share of the primary sector in the labour force and export performance, domestic and foreign investment and education, and a positive relation with the size of external debt, the level of protection, corruption and income inequality.

We have already seen why primary production can lead to poor export performance because many natural resources are income inelastic and suffer terms of trade deterioration, by why should natural resources abundant countries neglect investment and education, and be more corrupt? There are two major explanations.

Firstly, natural resource abundance may ‘crowd-out’ other activities ‘through two mechanisms:

(1) higher wages or earnings in the natural resources sector impairing entrepreneurial activity and innovation in other sectors, and

(2) revenues from natural resources exports keeping the exchange rate artificially high which makes the rest of the economy uncompetitive.

This is known as the Dutch Disease, so named because of the effect that the discovery of natural gas in Holland in the 1960s had on the exchange rate and other sectors of the economy. Sachs and Warner (2001) test this ‘crowding out’ hypothesis across 99 countries and find a positive correlation between natural resource abundance and the domestic price level. The higher relative price level is then found to impede the export growth of manufactured goods. It could also be that a country rich in natural resources simply neglects to develop other sectors of the economy.

A second major explanation why natural resource abundance may lead to poor performance is that the rents from natural resources may be misused by politicians and bureaucrats. Democracy and the rule of law seem to be inversely related to natural resource abundance, and Gylfason (2001) shows corruption to be more widespread in natural resource abundant countries.

This is not surprising since limiting access to a resource provides a rent, and where the state owns the resource, bureaucrats^,will take bribes in return for exploitation rights. Tent earners may not be interested in schooling and education, having lined their own pockets, and those of their children, without acquiring an education. Thus, rent seeking leads to low levels of expenditure on education and school enrolment. it is also the case that the primary sector of an economy does not have the same educational needs as a more diversified economy.

Economies cannot function in an institutional vacuum; otherwise there is economic (and political) chaos. At the very minimum there has to be the rule or law; the protection of property rights and constraints on power and corruption if private individuals are to be entrepreneurial, to take risks and invest.

In many developing countries, the rule of law and the protection of property rights is still rudimentary, and politicians (and bureaucrats abuse their powers. Many economists have recently argued that it is weak institutional structures that are the fundamental causes of underdevelopment because the character of institutions is the determinant of all the proximate causes of progress such as investment, education, trade and so on.

Three main ones are highlighted: the extent oflegal protectionof private property; the quality if governance (including the strength of the rule of law) and the limit placed on political leaders. Attempts have been made to distinguish economically the relative importance of institutions compared with other factors (including geography) in explaining different levels ofper capita incomeacross the world, with interesting, but controversial results.

Rodrick et al (2002) take a large sample of developed and developing countries, measuring the quality of institutions mainly by a composite indicator or a number of elements that, capture protection afforded by property rights, and conclude ‘our results indicate that the quality of institutions overrides everything else.

Controlling for institutions, geography has, at least weak direct effects on income …similarly trade has no direct positive effect on income,” Easterly and Lavine (2002) also test the influence of institutions compared with geography and policy variables across 75 rich and poor countries and find that institutions seem to matter most as the determinant of per capita income. Even countries with ‘bad policies’ do well with good institutions.

Defining and Measuring Institutions

What do we mean by institutions?

The term institution has been defined in different ways. Douglass North (1990) describes institutions very broadly, as the formal and informal rules governing human interactions. There are also narrow (and easier to grasp) definitions of institutions that focus on specific organizational entities, procedural devices and regulatory framework.

At a more intermediate level, institutions are defined in terms of the degree of property rights protection, the degree to which laws and regulations are fairly applied, and the extent of corruption. It is narrower than North’s definition, which includes all of the norms governing human interactions. Much of the recent research into determinants of economic development has adopted the intermediate definition.

How is institutional quality measured?

Recent empirical analyses have typically considered three relatively broad measures of institutions, the quality of governance, including the degree of corruption, political rights, public sector efficiency, and regulatory burdens; the extent of legal protection of private property and how well such laws are enforced; and the limits placed on political leaders.

The measures themselves are not objective but, rather, the subjective perceptions and assessment of country experts or the assessment; made by residents responding to surveys carried out by international organizations and non-governmental organizations.

The first of these measures, i.e, the aggregate governance index, is the average of the six measures of institutions developed in a 1999 study by Daniel Kaufman, Art Kraay and Pablo Zoido-Lobaton. These measures include

(1) voice and accountability the extent to which citizens can choose their government and have political rights, civil liberties and an independence press;

(2) political stability and absence of violence – the likelihood that the government will not be overthrown by unconstitutional or violent means

(3) government effectiveness – the quality of public service delivery and competence and political independence of the civil service

(4) regulatory burden – the relative absence of government controls on goods markets, banking systems, and international trade;

(5) rule of law – the protection of persons and’ property against violence and theft, independence and effective judges, and contract enforcement; and

(6) freedom from graft – public power is not abused for private gain or corruption.

A second measure focuses on property rights. This measure indicates the protection that private property receives. Yet another measure, constraints on the executive, reflects institutional and other limits placed on presidents and other political leaders. In a society with appropriate constraints on elites and politicians, there is less fighting between various groups for control of the state, and policies are more sustainable.

It is recognized, however, that the correlation found between institutions and economic development could reflect reverse causality, or omitted factors. We need to find a source of exogenous variation in institutions where institutions differ or change independently of other factors.

Acemoglu et el (2001) argue that the different experience of colonization is one exogenous source where at one extreme colonizers set up exclusively extractive institutions (to exploit minerals and other primary products) such as slavery and forced labour, which neither gave property rights to inhabitants nor constraints the power of elites.

This was the experience in Africa and Latin America, At the other extreme, colonizers created settler societies, replicating the European form of institutions protecting private property and controlling elites and politicians in countries such as Australia, New Zealand and North America.

Weak institutional Structures

What determines why some countries were settled and others not? Acemoglu et al argued that the major determinant was the mortality rate faced by the early settlers, and that there is both a negative correlation between past mortality rates and current institutional quality (because institutions persisted) and between past mortality and the current levels of per capita income.

In fact, over 50 per cent of the variations In per capita income across the 75 countries is associated with variation in one particular index of institutional quality whichmeasures ‘protection against expropriation.’ The authors conclude ‘There is 3 high correlation between mortality rates faced by soldiers, bishops and sailors in the colonies and European settlements; between European settlements and early measures of institutions, and between early institutions and institutions today.

We estimate large effects of institutions on income per capita using this source of variation.’ They say that this relationship is not driven by outliers, and is robust controlling for latitude, climate, current disease environment, religion, natural resources, soil quality, ethyl linguistic fragmentation, and current racial composition’. But this is where the controversy starts because presumably his mortality rates of the early settlers, which affected the nature of institutions, was strongly influenced by geography as it affects disease. in the same vein Sachs (2003) argues that the findings of Acemoglu et al.

Concerning the negative relation between mortality rates 200 years ago and per capita income today is simply licking up the pernicious effects of malaria (which stir persists), not institutions. Development is not simply about good government and institutions. institutions might make anti-poverty policies more effective, but that is all.

Poor countries need resources to fight disease; to provide education and infrastructure, and all the other resource prerequisites of development. Sachs classified three types of countries combining institutions and geography, which is a sensible approach:

• Countries where institutions, policies and geography are all reasonably favourable, e.g. the coastal regions of East Asia
• Countries with favourable geography, but weak institutions, e.g. many of the transition economies of Eastern Europe.

Countries impoverished by a combination of unfavourable geography, such as landlocked countries and those plagued with disease and poor governance, e.g. many of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.

It is important to mention from the start that developing countries are characterized by a number and varied features. Moreover, we should remind that developing countries are homogenous and as such do not exhibit similar features in their totality. However, what we intend to do in this unit is to focus on a number of features that are more or Tess common to developing countries.

As a way of recasting our thoughts on the current topic reference is made to Thirwall (2006) who maintains that there cannot be an increase in living standards and the eradication of poverty without an increase in output per head of the working population,oran increase in labour productivity. ForThirwall, this is asince qua nonof development. He goes on to argue that rich developed countries have high levels of labour productivity; while poor developing countries have low levels of labour productivity.

The questions that naturally arise are: what are the major causes of productivity, and what are the primary sources of productivity growth? In this article, therefore, we outline some of the distinguishing characteristics of developing countries that contribute to the low levels of labour productivity and poor economic performance. The following are some of such features:

• The dominance of agriculture and petty services
• Low level of capital accumulation
• Rapid population growth
• Exports dominated by primary commodities
• The curse of natural resources
• Weak institutional structures

The Dominance of Agriculture and Petty Services

One of the major distinguishing characteristics of poor countries is the fact that their economies are dominated by agriculture and petty service activities. There is very little by way of manufacturing industry. This therefore means that most of the population in developing countries finds employment in the agricultural sector. Available statistics (Thirwall 2006) indicate that 65 per cent of the labour force still relies on agriculture to make a living. This compares with just under30 per cent in the middle income countries and 5 per cent in the high-income countries.

Furthermore, most of the people employed in agricultural production in third world countries either operate at a subsistence level, or they are tenant farmers, or landless labourers. However, this is not to say that there is a lack of commercial farming or commercial agriculture. Commercial agriculture does exist, but it is only a tiny fraction of the entire agricultural sector. This being the case then, it is important to mention that the dominance of agriculture has certain implications. What are these? They include the following:

• Agriculture is adiminishing returnsactivity
• On the demand side, the demand for most agricultural products (and other

primary products derived from the land) isIncome elastic.

Low level of Capital Accumulation

A second major distinguish characteristic of developing countries is their low level of capital accumulation — both physical and human. Physical capital refers to the plant, machinery and equipment used in the production of output. Human capital refers to the skills and expertise embodied in the labour force through education and training. (The role of education in the development process will be discussed later in the unit).

Low levels of capital accumulation are a cause of low productivity and poverty, but are also a function of poverty, because capital accumulation requires investment and saving and it is not easy for poor societies to save. The process of development can be described as a generalized process of capital accumulation, but the levels and rates of capital accumulation in poor countries are low.

The amount of physical capital that labour has to work with in a typical developing country is no more than one-twentieth of the level in Europe and North America. This reflects the cumulative effect over time or much higher savings and investment ratios in the rich countries.

Domestic investment can differ from domestic saving owing to investment from abroad. The figures for low-income countries are distorted by China, which is 2002 saved over 40 per cent of its national income. If we exclude China the savings ratio of the low-income countries is less than half that of the middle- and high-income countries, although their investment ratio is still relatively high because of capital inflows from abroad. These are not always stable, however.

The distinguish development economist, Sir Arthur Lewis, once described development as the process of transforming a country from a net 5 per cent saver and investor to a 12 per cent saver and investor. Rostow, in his famous book The stages of Economic Growth (1960), defines the take-off stage of self- sustaining growth in terms of critical ratio of savings and investment to national income of 10-12 per cent.

What is the significance of this ratio? It has to do with a very simple growth formula, which originally came from the growth model of the famous British economist (Sir) Roy Harrod. The formula is the growth of output is the savings ratio (S/Y) and is the incremental capital – output ratio – that is, how much investment needs to take place in order to increase the flow of output by one unit. Substituting these definitions of s and c into (3.1) shows that in an accounting sense the formulation is an identity since in the national accounts.

Now, for the level of per capita income to rise, output growth must exceed population growth. If population growth is 2 per cent per annum, output growth must exceed 2 per cent per annum. It can be seen that how much saving and investment as a proposition of national income is required for growth depends on the value of the incremental capital, output ratio. It 4 units of capital investment are required to produce a unit flow of output year by year over the life of the investment, then c = 4, so s must be at least 8 per cent for the growth of output to exceed 2 per cent.

A net rate of saving and investment to national income of at least 8 percent or more is therefore necessary if there is to be sustained growth of per capita income. In most developing countries, the net savings and investment ratio is above this critical magnitude, but the fact remains that a major cause of low productivity and poverty in developing countries in the low level of capital that, labour has to work with. In case example 3.1 the difference in the savings and investment climate between India and China is highlighted and discussed.

Rapid Population Growth

A third distinguish feature of most developing countries is that they have a much faster rate of population growth than developed countries, and faster than at any time in the world’s history (see Chapter 8 for a full discussion). This can confer advantages but it also imposes acute problems.

Population growth in the low-income countries as a whole average 1.8 percent per annum, resulting from a birth rate of 29 per 1,000 population (or 2.9 per cent) and a death rate of 11 per 1,000 population (or 1.1 per cent). The rapid acceleration of population growth compared with its historical trend is the result of a dramatic fall in the death rate without a commensurate fail in the birth rate. Population growth in developed countries averages no more than 0.7 per cent per annum.

It takes 10 permits to start a business in India against six in China, while the median time it takes is 90 days in India against 30 days in China. A typical foreign power project requires 43 clearances at central government level and another 57 at a state level. These obstacles are far smaller in China.

In restriction on the hiring and firing of workers, India ranked 73^rdout of 75 countries in the Global Competitiveness Report for 2001. China ranked 23^rd. Bankruptcy is almost impossible for large business. Sixty per cent of liquidation processes before the Indian High Court have continued for more than 10 years. Public administration is also poor. It takes an average of 10.6 days to clear goods at customs into India, against 7.8 into China.

As important as regulatory barriers to competition is India’s poor infrastructure. Paved roads are only 56 percent of the total, against over 80 per cent in China. Shipping a container of textiles to the US costs 35 per cent more than from China. Because of power shortages, 69 percent of Indian companies have their own generator, compared with just 33 per cent in China.

These comparisons are bad news for India in one way, but good news in another. If India can sustain growth of 6 per cent a year when so much does not work very well, imagine what could be achieved if it did.

Rapid population growth, like low capital accumulation, may be considered as both a cause of poverty and a consequence. High birth rates are themselves a function of poverty because child mortality is high in poor societies and parents wish to have large families to provide insurance in old age. High rates also go hand in hand with poor education, lack of employment opportunities for women and ignorance of birth control techniques. Population growth in turn helps to perpetuate poverty if it reduces saving, dilutes capital per head and reduces the marginal product oflabour in agriculture.

The pressure of numbers may also put a strain on government expenditure, lead to congestion and overcrowding, impair the environment and put pressure on food supplies, all of which retard the development process, at least in the short run. In the longer run, population growth may stimulate investment and technical progress, and may not pose such a problem if there are complementary resources and factors of production available, but the short run costs may outweigh the advantages for a considerable time.

When they were recalled after awakening the dreams were regarded as either the friendly or hostile manifestation of some higher powers, demoniacal and Divine. With the rise of scientific thought the whole of this expressive mythology was transferred to psychology; to-day there is but a small minority among educated persons who doubt that the dream is the dreamer’s own psychical act.

There is, firstly, the psychical significance of the dream, its position with regard to the psychical processes, as to a possible biological function; secondly, has the dream a meaning, can sense be made of each single dream as of other mental syntheses? According to some doctors, dreams are provoked and initiated exclusively by stimuli proceeding from the senses or the body, which either reach the sleeper from without or are accidental disturbances of his internal organs.

(1) What is the psychical process which has transformed the latent content of the dream into its manifest content?

(2) What is the motive or the motives which have made such transformation exigent?

The other problems of the dream, the inquiry as to its stimuli, as to the source of its materials, as to its possible purpose, the function of dreaming, the forgetting of dreams. The contrast between manifest and latent dream-content is clearly only of value for the dreams of the second and more especially for those of the third class. Before leaving these infantile dreams, which are obviously unrealized desires, we must not fail to mention another chief characteristic of dreams, one that has been long noticed, and one which stands out most clearly in this class.

I can replace any of these dreams by a phrase expressing a desire. If the sea trip had only lasted longer; if I were only washed and dressed; if I had only been allowed to keep the cherries instead of giving them to my uncle. But the dream gives something more than the choice, for here the desire is already realized; its realization is real and actual. The dreams can be divided into three classes.

Intelligible Dreams

1. Intelligible dreams, which allow us to penetrate into our psychical life without further ado. Such dreams are numerous; they are usually short, and, as a general rule, do not seem very noticeable, because everything remarkable or exciting surprise is absent.

2. A second group is formed by those dreams which are indeed self-coherent and have a distinct meaning, but appear strange because we are unable to reconcile their meaning with our mental life.

3. The third group of dreams belong which are void of both meaning and intelligibility; they are incoherent, complicated, and meaningless.

The dream presentations consist chiefly, if not wholly, of scenes and mainly of visual sense images. Hence a kind of transformation is not entirely absent in this class of dreams, and this may be fairly designated as the dream work. An idea merely existing in the region of possibility is replaced by a vision of its accomplishment

A business as usual approach toGMAswould almost certainly result in perpetuation of the current cycle of declining ecological and economic productivity and waning social benefits. There is a need for change which must include greater government funding forZAWA(and reduced reliance onGMAsfor their income) and models that allow for much greater community ownership of and benefits fromGMAs, while providing attractive bases for investment by the private sector.

Wildlife conservation refers to the well-planned practice of ensuring protection for wild animal species, their habitats, and plants. It can also be defined as the act of consuming natural resources responsibly and carefully so they will be available in the long-term. Conservation is distinct from preservation in the sense that preservation involves maintaining natural areas for their own sake, which includes protecting them from human use and intervention.

All organisms that are not directly acted upon by humans, such as uncultivated plants and undomesticated animals, could be considered forms of wildlife. More or less, the truth about wildlife is that our future generations should be allowed to enjoy the Mother Nature while recognizing the unshaken importance of wildlife towards our wellbeing and surroundings.

As wildlife conservation has become a need of the pressing demands which modern people must address, the following are some key points signifying the importance of conserving wildlife.

1.Protection of biodiversity

The Mother Nature requires that different species stay connected by means of various food webs. It means that the extinction or demise of one particular species might influence one or more other species down the line. Conserving wildlife can be a preventive step to stay safe prior to any unforeseeable environmental issue. The loss of an animal that isn’t especially important economically or culturally could unexpectedly affect a type of animal that is, so widespread wildlife conservation is a general preventative measure for unforeseen problems.

2.Sustenance of agricultural activities

Wildlife conservation can significantly help us secure food supplies for the future. In agriculture, crop diversity protects food supplies from vulnerability to disease.

Different diseases can attack individual crops while just one crop grown in an entire field might succumb to just a blight. Also, wildlife conservation makes it possible that many of the plants which we are yet to use in our regular agricultural production might become some sorts of new crops.

Saving many wild plants might help us to use the various types of genetic materials which could be critical to the modification of crops which we are still using. If we can save wild plants, many of them can be chosen as the cornerstones for the development of biodegradable pesticides.

3.A motivation for research:

There may be many undiscovered plants and animals in the wild. The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity (TEEB) refers to the importance of maintaining ecosystems and biodiversity for the sake of plants that provide substances used in both the pharmaceutical industry and traditional medicine.

We should maintain biodiversity and ecosystems just for wild plants which cater to our needs in making traditional medicine and enriching the pharmaceutical industry.

More than 50% of the drugs used worldwide are actually developed from plants, animals, and microbial organisms. The trend is still existent.

Relying on conducting research on wildlife as additional natural sources could be a more efficient initiative than depending on artificial man-made sources.

Chances are that failure to conserve wildlife could cause medical science experts to lose many of their important sources of knowledge.

4.Facilitation of eco-services economics:

Nowadays, our efforts for wildlife conservation could contribute to the restoration of positive economic consequences in these less than stable world economic circumstances.

A Game Management Area (GMA) in Zambia is a buffer zone around a national park in which licensed safari and subsistence hunting is permitted. It is a communal area in which people live by semi-subsistence agriculture, coexisting with wildlife. The community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) program allowsZambia Wildlife Authority(ZAWA) to share hunting license revenue and wildlife management responsibilities with the communities living in GMAs. The communities allocate the revenue resources between employment of village scouts, and local infrastructure and developmental projects through Community Resource Boards (CRBs) and Village Action Groups (VAGs).

Wildlife which makes for a good part of ecosystem activities has had an effect on the quality and quantity of fresh water that we drink. It might happen that our efforts to artificially purify water to compensate for relevant ecosystem damage could be nothing but a heavy financial loss.

Our integrated efforts to maintain the congruity of eco-services can easily illuminate our inefficiencies in attempting to replicate something artificially that our natural ecosystems have been doing for free since the inception of nature.

5.Assistance to ecotourism

Wildlife conservation is linked to the acceleration of ecotourism on a national level. Africa’s ecotourism is the biggest example of this fact.IMPORTANCE OF WILDLIFE CONSERVATION for ecotourism

African Wildlife Foundation states that conservation of wildlife is important because tourists enjoy a lot if they are given the chance to watch the bewildering variety of African animals living in natural habitats.

Wildlife has been an integral part of Africa’s ecotourism, which has gained considerable growth over the past few decades. Ecotourism has already been a very influential stimulus for African economies.

Finally, there is another reason why we must plan for wildlife conservation. Different wild animals and plant species often work as indicators of various environmental problems and catastrophes. Also, conserving wildlife brings us some educational benefits, psychological improvements, and positive economic factors. Although many governments and non-government agencies have been on the lookout for viable conservation techniques, more balanced approaches and long-term initiatives are to be made for the ultimate success in wildlife conservation.

The Government of the Republic of Zambia identifies tourism as one of the growth frontiers for the country. Several interventions have been introduced in the areas around the national parks designated as GMAs. Lodges and campsites may employ local labour. Increased demand for handicraft and other nature based products may provide new enterprising opportunities. Traditional entertainment and culture may increase revenue potential from the tourists.

6.Education

Importance of wildlife conservation on education

Studying animals and their habitats can be a valuable learning experience for students of all ages. There are increasing evidences for the educational benefits of trips to the zoo or other wildlife conservation areas for children. Failures in wildlife conservation may leave teachers with fewer educational resources.